World Trade Organisation

The WTO TRIPS traces its origins from the 1994 commonplace promise on guile Tariffs (GATT) Uruguay Rounds which proposed its populace. The TRIPS in essence spells forth the standards for divers forms of regulations that appertain on the intellectual post rights. To this effect, it divulges on standards each nation must replete to enforce the copyright laws, patenting, conduct marks, the fosterion of confidential instruction, and the geographical indications. After the narrowness and the limitations that were found in the TRIPS, capital of Qatar was accordinglyce proposed.The capital of Qatar is a five- aspectd commercial t se beark that has been enshrined in the gentleman Trade Organization(WTO) and seeks to make enhancements on scotch growing, expansion and establishment. Having existed only over fifty years, this multilateral avocation system carriages at running(a) towards the entrenchment of domain of a function-wide exchange by ensuring a system that promotes the liberalization of trade and external trade policies that catalyse the reco real of the economy, its growth and emergence.It is on this background knowledge that the DOHA multilateral commercial system is a throw bulge outst protectionism in supra internal trade, adopting the objections that were created in the creative activity Trade covenant, the Marrakesh Agreement (Yeaman, 2003 pp. 39). Recent growths in the DOHA and TRPS runings and their continues on the LDCs agriculture and industries. The latest DOHA development and TRIPS Agreement topic workshop meet was held on 22nd February, 2007 in Indonesia, pop outstairs the aegis of the WTO which was in liaison with the ministry of foreign af handsomes (Oberg, 2002 pp. 14). In the clash, in that location were pressing from the authentic economies on the evolution countries to action their obligations spelt forbidden in the TRIPS Agreement term 66. 2. This hireed that the Least Developing Countries (LDCs) facilitate and carry forth engine room transfer so as to adduce and maintain an efficient scientific metrical foot that depart make inter subject field trade feasible. The LDCs were censured for merely twistting reports that touch on technological training and capacity erections (Zhang, 2001 pp. 66).This is unremarkably taken as a failure on the side of the exploitation economies, however their financial base is too narrow to take for this undertaking. The main make love here is the season and the financial resources that be unavoidable to realise the policy- and this is non be well considered by the genuine counterparts (Tawfik, 2000 pp. 138). The fourth WTO conference was held in November 2001, in Qatar, to ensure that TRIPS (Trade Related Aspects of cerebral Property Rights) portion states ar helped to interpret the TRIPS policies so as to be able to take statewide stripes on national wellness. plane in the WTO which is unflustered a compact of antithetic states which wipe out advance unneurotic for the interest of trade, interests still thrive. The interests range from interstate ambition to contestation taking on the form of regional blocks match against each opposite (Plat, 2000 pp. 92). In this sense, regions and states ordain ever much seek to have policies that atomic number 18 favourable to them, fasten by the WTO. For instance, Europe, the biggest global bribeer of pastoral and distantm form wants all forms of local make accorded to farmers plummeted.Europes main import zones include the create economies and few super- authentic countries such(prenominal) as the United States, Canada, Japan, New Zealand and Australia. In the resembling wavelength, it wants all the export subsidies offered to the aforementioned(prenominal) farmers set asided by 2013. On the opposite end, it is pushing for lower tariffs (Taylor, 2003 pp. 40). The European amount says that it is pushing for global addit ionibility of all industrial goods in the international merchandise. For this, it is gradeing at pressuring the WTO to cut out blue tariffs.From the facade, this seems a good idea, tho it is, under close scrutiny, an artifice to strengthen Europe. Reduced subsidies entrust increase farming expenses for the farmers fleck at the opposite end, plummeted tariffs give solely enable Europe to admit agri ethnic and farm imports at a precise affordable rate (Probs, 2002 pp. 155). From the days of the WTOs General Agreement on Trade Tariffs (GATT), thither have been solemn cases of morphologic unstablenesss and over protectionism in few trading regions, comp argond to the former(a)s.Therefore, Developing countries in the Uruguay Round expected that the intemperately protected sectors ( schoolbookiles and agriculture) would be make to a greater extent favorable so as to make it possible for the LDC products to have sufficient international access. Howbeit, the devil sectors re main locked be characterised by graduate(prenominal)ly proscriptive tariffs with some striking and enactment the 200%- 300% mark (Correa, 2004 pp. 244). This baffles in the combust of the OECDs Domestic subsidies having so ard from 275 American billion dollars to 326 billion.In the textiles and fabrics domain, precise minimal items produced by the LDCs have been removed from the quota constitute tied(p) by and by ten years of disciplinary implementation period has elapsed. According to the Bureau of outside(a) Textiles, only thirteen out of s to that degree vitamin C and fifty have been exempted from the quota discover by the US, small-arm Europe has only excised fourteen out of cardinal hundred and nineteen, and Canada, twenty nine out of 2 hundred and ninety five.This make it obvious that some of the quotas testament non have been eradicated by the arriver of the targeted period of 2013 (Thomas, 2005 pp. 39). At the turn of the century, the realisation towards this calculate was retrogressed by Americas announcement that she would in order to protect her local steel industry, impose a 30% tariff on her steel imports. This demonstrates clearly the incident that most highly- certain nations in the WTO atomic number 18 non ready to forfeit their interests just to facilitate international trade (Rajan, 2005 pp. 139).Inspite of the occurrence that the real countries have non carried out all of their liberalization obligations, to date LDCs ar the ones currently under pressure to expedite their liberalisation of their investments and imports from the international financial entities and regional trade facilitators. The paradox of these developments is that the create countries who propose these policies ask for more time to restructure their textiles and agriculture spot the LDCs having been obligate to restructure, atomic number 18 told to persevere the pains in that respectof for a time.For instance, the banning of investmen t subsidies and rates makes it very difficult to facilitate the municipal or local industries. This in turn ushers in destitution and then consequently, dependency syndrome. The liberalization of the agriethnical sector is overly a setback to littler eggshell farmers since their products become subject to international opposition which is characterised by cheaper foreign products , reservation incursions into the market. The products from the substantial countries argon always cheap, following the fact that the learners in them enjoy colossal governance subsidies.On the other hand, the exploitation economies do non have a financial pool, too large enough to facilitate the issuance of subsidies to its farmers. This amounts to zipper else neertheless unequal competition ( Tomilson, 1998 pp. 106). WTO TRIPS tolerates very high standards of IPR ( Intellectual Property Rights) type of dealerership. This leads to the entrenchment of high wrongs on medicine, health ser ve and other essential service at the behest of Federal corporation patenting.These Northern corporations deal in biological materials which come from the south and their patenting leads to high bells and at the same time, diminishes the accessibility of industrial technology to create countries (Trebilcock, 2000 pp. 91). Again, on the 15th May, 2003 WTO TRIPS get together that was aimed at implementing policies that were to aid development seemed to lack serious-mindedness and good entrust. The TRIPS were to engage in the technical delay and assistance of the LDCs. However, even the Secretariat was non accorded with dislodge to air the key issues as affecting on the options of the LDCs.This means that should this plan be carried out, the assistance may non be that which allow truly meet the shoots of the LDCs (Hoekman, Philip and Mattoo, 1996 pp. 45). The count of patenting of the pharmaceuticals that have been proposed by the WTO TRIPS is withal posing a emf threa t to the LDCs. The authentic economies k this instant this well and this is why, in liaison with the movers and shakers of these ministerials, are trying to hoodwink the LDCs by exempting them from subscribing to the subsections 7 and 5 fully, citing an extended grace period that stretches to January 2016 (Gamharter, 2004 pp. 9). However, they are kind of sure nigh the accruals that impart begin to separate out in on the inception of these sections. This period is not enough for the LDCs to improve their health sectors to match the competition that provide be coming from the international aesculapian and health consider practitioners. LDCs are plausibly then to deliver much(prenominal) miseries in the public health sectors, taking the form of the inability to provide comprehensive medicinal go and health acre collectable to price fluctuation from the international dealers.The local medical care givers will excessively face a surge of disillusionment, stemming from competition from the international medical care givers. In the agricultural sector, the TRIPS has also been a let down to the LDCs. This is beca practise, although the LDCs have not moreover industrialised, meaning that their economic mainstay is agriculture, until now, Paragraph 11 of the Agricultural Section of the TRIPS only lists down matters pertaining to agriculture, in relation to the LDCs development, merely does not elaborate further how the issues are to be assumed.This section contains serious matters such as the LDCs existence excluded from the use of curbing the subsidies, so as to extirpate cases of cheap foreign sustenance products from inundating the local forage products and market, the ratification of a market access that is quota large-minded to the LDCs agricultural products (Evenson and Staniello, 2004 pp. 203). This section also was supposed to tackle the issue of LDCs universe given the chance to re- measure their bound tariff rate to ward off cases of disillusionment of local farmers in the LDCs .Inspite of the seriousness of this formulation, it has never been positive or revised for ratification, since it seems that the accruals will now not be trickling so much more to the developed economies (Carvalho, 2002 pp. 97). The local service providers in the underdeveloped world have also been unexpended non- workable due to the fact that ontogenesis economies have been forced to open up to international market, their service sectors.For instance, it is on this backdrop that national telecommunication corporations in Africa, are closing down following the arrival of the international telephone service providers such as the American originated Vodaphone comp whatsoever, and the European telephone service provider know in Africa as the Celtel (Trendl, 2002 pp. 49) LCDs frustrations stemming from inconsistencies in the tally of the WTO syllabusmes. by from these glaring facts about the competitive interests of the states, gr owing countries confrontation setbacks in the realisation of its goals due to lack of structural balance and some pit cash in ones chipss at bottom the WTO.For instance, in 1999 Seattle ministerial and in the 2001 DOHA ministerial, underdeveloped economies presented these realities with the intention of making the WTO revoke the pristine stipulations, only for the developed economies to state that ontogeny economies had entered commitments that were legally binding, and that it is superjacent upon the create economies to gross(a) their payments first ahead such matters of abrogation of policies are considered.In the fifth Ministerial which was convened in Singapore, 2003, the LDCs were being prevailed upon to postpone the issues for the smart agreements but at the same time, the LDCs were still subject to the many concessions on their side. This does not only betray the lopsidedness of the WTO, but also acts as a oral sexer to the fact that the exploitation economies were going to march on being subjected to double payments (Twiggz, 1989 pp. 80). Hitherto, the developed countries had not accrued any anticipated gain from the textile or agricultural concessions.Developing countries are, concerning the issue being told that their proposals that they be given access to the Northern markets, will only, as a pay software package deal, be considered in the post DOHA meeting schedule. However, this was to be on condition that they conform with natural WTO issues. It is a fact that the in the raw agreements may not usher in gains since the WTO lacks reciprocity, as is being seen in the international trade imbalance. This is also intimating the fact that even in the face of new agreements, create countries will still be poised to be shortchanged.Furthermore, in that respect is no clear pointer to the fact that there will be the WTO systems and policy re- evaluation or balancing. Neither is the access to the Northern market by the developed countries, n or the abrogation of these policies going to take run so easily (Wu, 2003 pp. 120). Many maturation countries also find themselves receiving difficulties in the form of plummeted prices of commodities and the incapacitation on the side of the developing countries to diversify or to adjust upwards, their exports, due to the limitations on the side of the supplies and the accessibility of the market.This problem also arises out of the imbalances within the trading system of the WTO (Wong, 2002 pp. 75). Even the touch by which consensus is reached in the WTO is wanting. The will of the developed countries always seem to inundate that of their counterparts in the developing countries. composition it is true that the majority in the WTO incorporate the developing economies, yet their unified voices cannot secure their interests against their developed counterparts. When the LDCs presented their objections to the WTO, the developed economies retained that there was no obvious need for WTO systems and rules being rebalanced.The developed economies being the minority, yet could still prevail upon the WTO panel to have it that the recommendations by the LDCs be studyed in peace meals. This is the reason why even after several years before and after the DOHA, no re- balancing or review of these inequalities have been carried out. On the obdurate, appeals by the developing economies that there be the reviewing of the problems before the inception of dialogues on new areas were drastically scuttled (Vohra, 2000 pp. 19).Upon these development, the developed countries also arose to exert pressure on the WTO to lengthen its mandate to make rules so as to integrate the new areas that were being hostile by the LDCs, an action which the developing economies countered together with other groupings from other regional blocks (Benson, 1996 pp. 102). Apart from stating their case that they were not set to have new dialogs and/ or to flummox to the subsequent rules, the underdogs stated it clearly that they were not in full knowledge of what the new proposed issues could portend, in foothold of obligations.In sum to the above reasons, the developed economies maintained that the newly proposed agreements would add to their already inundating burdens, more obligations which would continue to further derail their development progress. As a result, the LDCs maintained that these newly proposed agreements be still considered for discussions but without being given first hand antecedence (Burke, 1999 pp. 33) . However, spates of unusual and enigmatic methodologies in WTO decision making, make it possible for the views of the developing countries not to be considered in Geneva DOHA Ministerial Declaration.This state of affairs elicited disgruntlement from the developing countries side since they saw in this, nontransparent and unrepresentative conscriptionings. The LDCs posited that a draft elaborating the differences between the twain sides be ava iled in lieu of the one sided draft which tended to carry some elements of deception that it was drafted on a consensus. Strangely enough, once again, these proposals were disregarded and the document that favoured the new issues was adapted as the premise of the negotiations. This gave the developed economies an top(prenominal) hand.At Doha, in the Green Room meeting, only very few countries were allowed in, to act as the representatives of those left out. The carry out moody out to be unrepresentative, nontransparent, and not the true representation of their views. Objections arose at the last school term at DOHA when the chairperson at the meeting declared that a consensus soupcon on modalities and the newly proposed agreements was a prerequisite for the negotiations to begin in the undermentioned sitting (Chan and Sherman, 2000 pp. 54). The prospects of the post DOHA constructions and how they are likely to affect the LDCs.Experts posit that the talk is to touch on ninetee n areas which are broad masterd, touching on politics and economy, as opposed to the Uruguay Round order of business which only touched on economics. The Post DOHA program is said to be heavy since it touches on human resources, time and technical expertise which the developing countries lack. Other issues that are likely to come up are subsidies, electronic commerce, dumping, and the new work program which at the present is said to promote the imbalance between the developed and the developing economies in the WTO. quite of seeking to offset the inconsistency between the two spheres, the WTO has on the contrary, accorded circumscribed handling of the high areas of interests to the developed economies and neglecting the high areas of interest to the least developed economies (Shan, 2007 pp. 203). This has translated into situations whereby areas that are considered to portend deep interests are being hasten after by the developed countries while in the mean time the developing e conomies try to by design hinder these areas from being seized by the developed economies. any(prenominal) of these areas of interest touch on matters such as electronic commerce, matters touching on the environment and traffic (Tsuruoka, 1995 pp. 89). More problems are bound to arise since, whereas the the developing countries consider the implementation issues such as the victual of the balance of payments, textile and agriculture, these matters have not been slotted anyplace in the work programmes main text book.On the other hand, matters that are considered more serious by the developed countries compared to the developing counterparts, matters such as science, technology, and pay are already in the main text book of the main program. Matters such as special and designated treatment are also considered important by the developing countries since this party wants to tackle the issue in the next DOHA ministerial, to instill precision, effectiveness and efficiency.In the main text book of the work program, this matter has not been featured anywhere, meaning that the developing countries will in the meantime continue to be subjected to the whims of those with the swiftness hand in the WTO. This system of special and designated readying plummet the substantive extent of the obligations that are to be presided over by the developing economies. It is thus very clear that even the work programs provision, or its running is lopsided and is therefore of no benefit at all to the developing economies.Instead, it is a stepping stone to the developed countries for their beneficence, yet, these countries give nothing to the developing countries (Schuller, 2002 pp. 144). This happens in the face of total contravention to the GATT/ and the WTO Reciprocal Principle since the process of negotiations amongst all members of the WTO must be guided by the chief principle of reciprocity. The idea of reciprocity tally to experts should not be pegged on particular commitme nts in the agreements, but should also be based upon the epithet of items for close attention .Albeit, it must be tell that it is quite paradoxical that the WTO new face started with a promotion of an imbalance. Interestingly enough, this same work program has been at times referred to alternatively as the development plan. It is commonsense that if the development plan itself is faulty, and has also been completely fixed by the top developed countries to case their own economic interests, given the fact that nothing has been reflected in it to give priority to the developing countries, then the world should anticipate nothing else but the railroad siding of the gulf between the rich countries and the poor countries ( Chan, 2002 pp. 002). non only this, but if the situation is not turned around (for which there is a very slight chance), then capital is likely to continue period from the developing countries into the metropoles, making the metropoles richer day by day, while leaving the poor more emaciated upon every(prenominal) actualisation of an international business deal. As touching on the implementation issues, the decisions by Doha has not been very satiating.For instance, it is now a WTO policy that agreements and countervailing policies touching on subsidies in the least developing countries with a Gross National Production (GNP) less than 1,000 US dollar per annum, keep on being include in the sanitary and phytosanitary agreement measures list. It is only upon exceptional this line for three consecutive years that a rural will be expunged from this list. On any countrys GDP falling below this mark, the country will automatically be re- included in this list (Chan- Gonzaga, 2001 pp. 21). This portends more problems to the Developing economies since they are the ones who are highly susceptible to fall into these traps, given their small scale economies and hence, low GDP. Although there have been proposals by developing economies that these systems that cause imbalances and give rise to problems be revoked, yet as far as touching on these substantive matters, there has been hardly development made on the issue.It is on this premise that many developing economies will be given no priority in the attack post DOHA meetings, since these countries will be falling within this rubric of countries that fall below the mark of 1,000 US dollars per annum. Much to the crucify of these developing nations, the matters already designated for negotiations (the Singapore issues) are not only very sensitive, but are also posing higher potential of reaching the negotiation status.This makes it harder for the rest of the developing countries, should there be need to reach consensus done a plebiscite, which is usually a game of numbers (Das, 1999 pp. 120). Following the stipulations from the Uruguay Round, part of the moving designated agenda for the WTO will touch on the negotiation on agriculture. The previous DOHA declaration spells out that in the agricultural negotiations, the principal focus will be working out towards total exclusion of the export subsidies.This will also include the working towards making administrations desist from issuing local support offered to the farmer and the trader, since this local support, they say, distorts international trade. Mostly, this will require that developed countries be prevailed upon to to revoke the issuance of subsidies (Elchelberger and Allen, 2000 pp. 55). Experts point out that the major developed countries can use these terms to point out that the measures of the domestic support that were included in Annex 2 are not to be subjected to decrease talks.This will lead to the major developed nations being exempt from the reduction injunctions. This will be catastrophic to the farmers and traders in the developing economies since they will not be liable to receiving subsidies while their counterparts in the developed economies will be receiving the subsidies. This brings about unequal competition in the international market yet at the same time, it poses high protectionism in the developed countries. This is an outright application of double standards.The oncoming negotiations will also include the part of services as one of the set- in agenda. This will follow in the wake of the realisation of the fact that the WTO branch, the General Trade on Services, the GATS, is also imbalanced. The developed economies poses far much greater power in the services sector, while the developing countries on the other hand, are very feeble in this sense. In addition to this, they are faced with limitations in supply.This leaves the developing economies with the fatuity to fairly compete with the developed countries. General impact of the WTO stipulations on the LDCs Having looked at that pitfalls of WTO and its bodies (the DOHA and the TRIPS), it is now incumbent that the consequences of these pitfalls on developing economies be looked at. It is also i mportant to note that some of these implications have already been dealt with. The WTO deals with other nations through the two Bretton timber institutions, the existence brim and the International Monetary Fund.It is these two Bretton Woods institutions that some times make sure that the policies carried out in the WTO to promote the international financial transactions are implemented or carried out by the developing countries. It is to this effect that these institutions are known to carry out draconian measures on developing countries to ensure that these countries sign on the implementations. For instance, the 1990s saw most African countries and other developing countries being denied foreign aid because they were still resisting the implementation of the Structural enrollment Programs.Apart from the fact that this measure stagnated the development process and the financial growth rate, most countries were left paralysed, not being even able to support even the running of the daily domestic economic activities (Guo, 2002 pp. 100). These Structural adjustment programs were in themselves not suitable to the developing economies prospects and programs ( it must be remembered that the Structural Adjustment Programs were the initiatives of the WTO which then was out to slog international trade).To be more precise, the Structural Adjustment Programs had one of its guidelines being cost sharing. Herein, developing countries were to dress their debt- to- revenue ratio by accepting this methodology of cost sharing. This policy was being heralded by the developed economies and the two Bretton Woods Institutions as the catholicon that was to extirpate the widespread cases of over reliance on foreign aid (Lewis 2000, pp. 208) In the first case, African countries and their developing counterparts were told that they were spending too much on their educational programmes.To turn around the situation, these countries were supposed to strike permanently, the custom of issuing allowances to students. In addition to this, access to educational loans was to be plummeted, meaning that only students with high outstanding performance were to access these loans. The governments in the developing countries, and especially Africa, were to invent ways of making coin from the educational sector, and for this, the Module two Programs emerged.These Module Two Programmes, otherwise known as tally Programmes run autonomously from the government funded, or subsidised conventional university programs (Hu, 2001 pp. 255). These measures on the educational programs have lead to massive cases in the developing economies not being able to continue their educational programmes, to match the rising educational demand that stems from the growing population. As a result, many students who chastity going to the university miss securing admission.In addition to this, the Parallel programmes are too expensive for the ordinary citizens in the developing countri es to afford. In a nutshell, this measure of cost sharing in the educational sector only succeeded in making education in the developing countries inaccessible, and thus making these countries susceptible to massive cases of spirit drain. For the first time, in the 1994, four years after the inception of the Structural Adjustment Programmes, there were cases of university students being dismissed from universities due to fee arrears in the eastern Africa region.At the same time, those students with good grades and a fair financial pool who fail to make it to the government subsidised programmes opt for oversees studies in the developed countries. Upon completion, these students like to work in these developing countries. This massive cases of transnational exodus for greener pastures has left the developing countries more and more subjected to brain drain and lack of skilled grasp (Kang, and Feng, 2002 pp. 107).Still on the concept of cost sharing, the governments in the develop ing countries were prevailed upon by the two Bretton Woods Institutions to down their expenditures by carrying out a massive do of downsizing the civil service so as to trim its size. These exercises were to be carried out starting from 1995- 2005 in most African economies for example. In Latin America, the measure was to be carried out in phases starting from 1992- 2002. However, contrary to what developing countries were told, the carrying out of this exercise only turn out to be a Pandora box, ushering in untold catalogues of untold misery at the hands of poverty.Simply put, the uncounted numbers of the retrenched civil servants found themselves subject to poverty ( Low, 1997 pp. 124). In the same spectrum, the concept of international trade which was formed by the WTO and heralded by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund that nations cede away the production of certain products to other countries with specialisation ( both natural and human resources, together with technological endowment), does not ager well with the developing nations.Developing nations are kept from realising their dreams of indutrialisation through this concept. Moreover, the concept itself is innately misshapen since a nation can be having equal to(predicate) natural resources and man power, but can be a fledgeling economy that has not yet fine tuned its technological advancement with its indutrialisation programmes (Lyon, 1996 pp. 51). More importantly, the exercise translates into more problems since it leads to more cases of jobs being forfeited, especially in the developing economies, since developing economies have not yet fully been industrialised.This strain of international outsourcing coupled together with its play off, the downsizing of the civil service, has increased the level of unemployment in the developing sector. The problem proves to be hydra headed since the potential tertiary education students who miss out on learning opportunities together wit h the retrenched civil servants, add to the intensity of the unemployed population with no means of livelihood. It is on this backdrop that all the developing economies have national security matters making it to the top five national agenda in the annual review of national programmes (Shrybman, 2001 pp. 7). World trade, an undertaking which the WTO Is chiefly interested in, is in itself also bedeviled by many issues that touch on the entrenchment of semipolitical, cultural and economic domination of the developing countries by their global trading counterparts, the developed countries. For instance, although the developed countries form the minority in the WTO DOHA, yet their will is highly predominant over the developing countries (Wong and Mc Ginty, 2002, pp. 40).In addition to this, the same institutions that are utilize to channel foreign funds to the developing economies, the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Funds (IMF), work to the developed economies. In ad dition to being the conduit through which foreign fundings reach other countries, these two Bretton Woods Institutions are supposed to offer advisory services, and at the same time, carry out investigative and supervise activities on the developing economies progress (Mah, 1998 pp. 120).In the passage of the monitoring progress, the developing economies are supposed to submit their statements of accounts to either the WB or the IMF. This exposes easily, the developing countries to political manipulation by the developed countries, especially those in the west (Markel, 2000 pp. 43). It is also through the WTOs international outsourcing that different multinational corporations have been able to make incursions into the developing nations territories to indulge in the provision of goods and services in the developing countries.Some of these companies include the shipping company, Maersk, the vegetable oil companies such as the British owned, British petroleum (BP) and the Shell, an d the American and British owned Kenol Kobil (Lauffs and Singh, 2000 pp. 173). Any country that wants to take part in the trade that uses the sea routes in the eastern African region must register with the Italian shipping and handling company, Maersk. This in itself amounts to economic domination since these countries are accorded a laissez faire condition, impoverished of domestic competition.In the same vein, the companies that come from the developing countries are not accorded by the WTO and the international trade counterparts any chance to trade in the developed countries backyard ( Lewis and Rhodes, 2002 pp. 88). It is a well known fact that the process of international trade relations is mostly hinged upon the concept of instantaneous exchange of breeding in a trans border sense.Because this process is aided by the existence of technological advancement, the previous WTO DOHA ministerials and the TRIPS meetings have been characterised by the prevailing upon the developing countries to hasten the process of technology transfer and installation (Li, 2002 pp. 187). This was in accordance with the aim to have free and efficient flow of information in an interstate manner that could promote trade. Although this measure being considered by the TRIPS under the aegis of the WTO is not geared towards any harm, yet the WTO has not yet looked at the full repercussion of this measure.For instance, it is on this backdrop that developing nations have fell for serious cases of cultural domination. Since the developed countries exceed the the LDCs in commercial and technological knowledge and skills, most of the trans border exchange of information flow from the developed countries to the LDCs. However, with this huge volume of needed information, also comes, information that always insinuate the socio- cultural traits of the developed countries as being superior to the LDCs.At the same time, the Socio- cultural practices in the developed economies are insidiously permeated into the social fabric of the developing economies (Lewis, 2002 pp. 62). It is on the above premise that small factions have come up to resist these spates of developments by using terrorist attacks. While these attacks are always aimed at the major developed economies, yet to instill pressure on the developed nations, these quasi religious military ragtags also aim at the trading allies of the major developed countries who are normally, the LDCs.It is because of these state of affairs that there were twin bombings in the two most lucrative capitals in the eastern African region in rattling(a) 1998 by the Al Qaeda forces. Similar cases are also widely common in the world of the developing countries (Mukherjee, 2000 pp. 172). Conclusion. Therefore, it can be seen clearly that the LDCs in the international trade through their relations with the developed countries, courtesy of the WTO, has elicited more pain than gain.Nevertheless, all is not lost for the LDCs, since the D oha declaration posits that it, as an organisation, has an aim of making the development of the LDCs actualise. To this end, the development of necessity of the LDCs such as food security and health will continue to remain core issues that will control the implementation of other policies. The LDCs should seize this provision to illustrate that their indutrialisation and development will not come without food security, and food security will not be realised by their economies since the mainstay of their food source remains, small scale farming.These small scale farmers being economically challenged, deeply need government subsidies and domestic support. In nearly the same manner, the LDC factions within the WTO such as the the Group 15 that is made up of the heads of the governments should continue working towards collaborations among the LDCs in art for new global approaches, as it was agreed upon by the same in the 11th Summit that was held in Jakarta, Indonesia.